Press Mentions

Si hay algo que hemos aprendido sobre la democracia, es que los militares no deben intervenir en la política. En América Latina, los gobiernos militares han socavado las instituciones democráticas, casi siempre han sido brutales y represivos, y generalmente se resisten a dejar el poder. Quizá en Venezuela, donde los militares ayudan a mantener la dictadura y así prolongan la brutal crisis humanitaria del país, no haya otra alternativa para obligar al dictador a que se haga a un lado, pero el riesgo es alto y puede alterar la paz y la seguridad.

É uma medida de fraqueza política. Não é um bom sinal para a democracia que o Exército seja o árbitro. É um reflexo da falência de partidos e de líderes políticos que precisam confiar nos militares para governar e permanecer no poder.

Ha existido un retroceso progresivo comparado con la Reforma Energética, la cual favoreció las energías renovables. Poco a poco ha estado minando el sector de las energías renovables. 

There’s been a creeping rollback of the part of the energy reform that favored renewables. Little by little, it’s been undermining the renewables sector. 

We’re at a moment when leaders in country after country where political institutions are being questioned and not seen as credible by citizens. It is not a good sign for democracy that the military is the arbiter. It’s a reflection of the bankruptcy of political parties and leaders who need to rely on the military to govern and stay in power.

A pesar de las especificidades de cada país, América Latina está atravesada por un mismo sentimiento de cólera, frustración y decepción.

President Morales, his vice president, and the leaders of the House and Senate all resigned. This created a vacuum of power, as the constitutional line of succession does not contemplate a case in which these four positions are vacant.

Morales’ removal from power has polarized the hemisphere along tired, ideological lines.

The United States and some governments in Latin America recognize Añez as the legitimate interim president, while other governments in the region argue that Morales was the victim of a coup. This is a negative development for cooperation among nations in the Americas, and underscores the importance of Bolivia holding credible, inclusive elections as soon as feasible.

Although compulsory voting increases voter turnout, it also raises questions on democratic freedom. There is a certain discomfort on the obligatory part of it. It’s the worrying idea that you can fine someone for not participating in the democratic process, it feels regressive, a tax on people with fewer resources, or less ability to engage.

Submitting a blank or spoiled vote is an indicator in and of itself, especially in polarizing elections. Not voting at all doesn’t capture that in the same way – it’s easy to dismiss not voting as apathy, whereas [a blank or spoiled vote] is a clear sign of voter discontent against the system.

Bolivia's polarization needs to healed by new leadership. The temptation for any vengeance against Morales supporters needs to be resisted. That would be a recipe for continued conflict and chaos that could well put at risk some of the country's undeniable socioeconomic gains over the past decade.

Es probable que los manifestantes enojados en otros países interpreten el caso boliviano como evidencia de que la presión sostenida en la calle puede tener éxito en derribar gobiernos, lo que podría agregarse a un cóctel ya inflamable en Chile y otros países. Al mismo tiempo, hay una lección que aprender para otros gobiernos presos del conflicto social. El giro de los acontecimientos en Bolivia po­dría empujar al gobierno de Piñera en Chile a responder de manera más efectiva y presentar propuestas serias pa­ra responder las demandas de los ciudadanos.

Los hechos recientes en Bolivia tienen importantes repercusiones en la región. Las reacciones de los otros gobiernos han sido, como era de esperar, divididas, y han mostrado las líneas de fractura y las tensiones ideológicas en América Latina.

The left had a very long stretch [in Latin America] but it’s unlikely to be repeated. Going forward, political cycles will be shorter, because governing is so much harder and expectations greater than ever.