Peter Hakim is president emeritus and a senior fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue. From 1993 to 2010, he served as president of the organization. Hakim writes and speaks widely on hemispheric issues and has testified more than a dozen times before the U.S. Congress. His articles have appeared in Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, New York Times, Washington Post, Miami Herald, Los Angeles Times, and Financial Times, and in newspapers and journals in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, China, Colombia, Canada, Cuba, El Salvador, Italy, Mexico, Peru, and Spain. From 1991 to 2001, he wrote a monthly column for the Christian Science Monitor, and now serves as a board member of Mexico’s Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica and editorial advisor to the Chilean-based América Economia.
Prior to joining the Dialogue, Hakim was a vice president of the Inter-American Foundation and worked for the Ford Foundation in New York, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Peru. He taught at MIT and Columbia, and has served on boards and advisory committees for the World Bank, Council on Competitiveness, Inter-American Development Bank, Canadian Foundation for Latin America (FOCAL), Partners for Democratic Change, Human Rights Watch, and the Council on Foreign Relations. He has been decorated by the governments of Brazil, Chile and Spain. Hakim earned a bachelor’s at Cornell University, a master’s in physics at the University of Pennsylvania, and a master’s in public and international affairs at Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School.
En esta nueva publicación de Fundación de Estudios Americanos, Peter Hakim, presidente emérito del centro de estudios Inter-American Dialogue, José Octavio Bordon, presidente del Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales y miembro del Diálogo Interamericano y otros analistas argentinos y estadounidenses, analizan el primer año de presidencia de Joe Biden y los desafíos que tienen por delante.
With elections coming up in 2022 in Brazil, Colombia and Costa Rica, which countries in Latin America and the Caribbean will be the political hot spots to watch next year? What political trends will be the strongest in the coming year, and what traits will countries’ political trajectories have in common? Is authoritarianism and polarization likely to worsen in the region in 2022, and what factors would influence that?
It is hard to imagine exactly what kind of deal Bolsonaro and Trump, both anomalous, unconventional leaders, drawn to one another mainly by temperament and ideology, could strike with another. Could they really end up accomplishing what previous governments in both countries had failed to achieve? Could they forge an alliance between two countries that have long maintained a rather distant and often distrustful relationship?
Recent global developments offer substantial evidence that the so-called liberal or rule-based international order, set in place in the aftermath of World War II, is fast eroding with no replacement in sight. The important question now is how governments across the globe should be adjusting to the systemic changes taking place in world politics and the new risks they pose.
After little more than a year of tension-filled talks, US and Mexican negotiators have reached a preliminary agreement that would largely preserve, in both concept and content, the original NAFTA. But for both Mexico and Canada, the uncertain and painful renegotiation of NAFTA comes with high costs beyond the expected economic losses. Resolving the NAFTA dispute will not repair the damage Trump has inflicted on US relations with both Mexico and Canada.
Los cinco [Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Da Silva, Fernández, Castillo y Arce] respetan mucho a Cuba y su revolución. Ellos, y la mayor parte del mundo, se oponen a la intervención estadounidense en la isla y al embargo. Pero sin Fidel, Cuba ha dejado de interesarle al mundo. Poca gente sabe quién es el actual presidente de Cuba, y no creo que aporte mucho a la unidad de la izquierda.