Uno de los aspectos menos estudiados del ascenso de las opciones políticas de izquierda en América Latina durante la última década y media –hoy más bien en retirada—tiene que ver con la curiosa simbiosis discursiva que precedió a su llegada al poder.
For many Hondurans, the current scene is all too familiar: it is a possible repeat of the turmoil surrounding the 2009 coup d’état, and a tragic continuation of a progressive loss of credibility in its electoral institutions.
Rebecca Bill Chavez writes for the New York Times on strained relations between the United States and Mexico following the Trump administration’s threats to the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Next year, critical elections in Latin America’s three most populous countries—Colombia, Mexico and Brazil—are likely to reveal a distemper stemming from citizen disgust with a mix of corruption scandals, mediocre economies, unremitting violence and a largely discredited political class. All three presidential contests are wide open and ripe for anti-establishment challengers.
Casi con certeza, Costa Rica acabará el año con la tasa de homicidios más alta de su historia, por encima de 12 por 100.000 habitantes, un nivel superior al que la OMS considera como una situación epidémica de violencia.
Ultimately it is the Cuban government itself that will determine whether Cubans’ hopes and ambitions are met. The current deterioration in diplomatic relations is likely to strengthen those in both the United States and Cuba who favor the familiar comfort of a static Cold War antagonism over the rising expectations generated by a new US-Cuba dynamic.
President Trump’s sanctions strategy against Venezuela remains committed but ineffectual, and banning a smallish band of regime loyalists from traveling to the United States will do little to change that.
New research from the Inter-American Dialogue and the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) shows how crime avoidance influences everyday behaviors and has significant consequences for education, economic opportunity, development, and the rule of law—and help explain why intentions to migrate have risen sharply in every Central American country.
Ben Raderstorf, Michael Camilleri, Carole J. Wilson, Elizabeth J. Zechmeister
It is still too early to predict how Moreno will fare and whether his economic and anti-corruption approaches will ultimately succeed. But he has already defied predictions that he would act as Correa’s puppet.
Michael Shifter
Articles & Op-Eds ˙
˙ World Politics Review
No one should be worried about American military action anywhere in Latin America. The notion is risible. But President Trump’s cavalier remark last week referring to a “possible military option” to deal with the increasingly dictatorial regime led by President Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela has real consequences.
¿Cuándo y cómo saldrá Venezuela de esta crisis interminable? No hay buenas opciones. Es urgente pensar instrumentos para que la comunidad internacional, una oposición unida con un liderazgo y estrategia claros, y miembros del régimen que saben que este experimento está agotado, puedan trabajar juntos para poner fin a esta tragedia en nuestro hemisferio.
The constituyente could set the stage for the Maduro government to consolidate its power, criminalize the opposition, and usher in a new and even darker phase in Venezuela’s crisis.
The Trump administration’s desire for meaningful action towards Venezuela is understandable, but it risks learning the wrong lessons from recent failures.
Defeat at the OAS meeting was the first concrete setback for US interests as a result of the Trump Administration’s apparent ambivalence about defending democratic values.
Michael Camilleri
Articles & Op-Eds ˙
˙ Latin America Goes Global