Let’s Work With Latin America to Fight Climate Change
The Biden administration should support clean energy investments and environmental protections in the region.
The Biden administration should support clean energy investments and environmental protections in the region.
El 2021 será el cuarto año en que la prosperidad económica estará lejos del alcance de los nicaragüenses. La caída de ingresos es bestial, cientos de miles de personas sin percibir ingreso, con la mayoría de los trabajadores percibiendo un mes menos de lo que ganaban en el 2019, y prácticamente diez meses menos de cómo estaban en el 2017.
As the Biden administration prepares to restore US leadership on the global stage, enhanced coordination with Latin America and the Caribbean on vital issues such as climate change, human rights, and a rules-based trading system beckons as a strategic opportunity. The president-elect, more than any recent occupant of the White House, is well placed to seize it.
When President Biden takes office in January, he will not approach Latin America with a blank checkbook or magic formulas for hemispheric comity and recovery, but he will offer his characteristic humanity, his belief in the region’s promise, and his administration’s steadfast engagement.
A medida que Colombia trata de recuperarse de la devastación económica que le ha generado el Covid-19, también debe esforzarse en el cumplimiento de sus metas en materia de cambio climático y la creación de un modelo de desarrollo más sostenible. Los ingresos fiscales procedentes de la producción de minería e hidrocarburos podrían utilizarse para cumplir con esos importantes objetivos.
A brave whistleblower recently reported that women immigrants at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention center have been subjected to gynecological procedures without their knowledge or informed consent. Unfortunately, for thousands of women and girls, these reported violations are just a sampling of the government’s illegal practices of aggression and neglect in its treatment of women seeking to immigrate to the United States.
Este es el momento para modernizar nuestros sistemas electorales. Debemos introducir mecanismos especiales de votación que no erosionen la confianza en la integridad de los comicios.
A la disputa por la Presidencia del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo se sumó un conflicto entre el secretario general de la Organización de Estados Americanos, Luis Almagro, y la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Aunque ambos casos son muy distintos, expresan una realidad preocupante: la creciente polarización que afecta a organismos fundamentales para América Latina y el Caribe.
The abdication of US leadership and virtually no response to the global pandemic in Latin America most dramatically revealed the fundamental indifference of the Trump administration towards the region. What would a new, Biden-led Democratic US administration in January 2021 (which as of this writing appears more likely than not) mean for Latin American policy?
Este documento ofrece un listado explicativo de los tipos de recursos que se han desarrollado para apoyar la educación inicial y el desarrollo infantil durante la crisis del Covid-19.
For Latin American and Caribbean nations that will depend heavily on the Inter-American Development Bank to recover from the Covid-19 pandemic in the years to come, the implications of Mauricio Claver-Carone’s bid for the presidency are profound.
For the Trump administration, there seem to be only two options in dealing with multilateral institutions: withdraw (as in the case of the World Health Organization) or take them over. In the tussle over the Inter-American Development Bank, the region is prepared to wait him out. The ball is now in Latin America’s court.
Nicaragua’s political crisis is torn between violence and anger of defensive misrule, and division within the opposition. It is a political battle full of contempt, criticism, and even manipulating reality. These actions are not atypical of Nicaragua, and they represent a very deep belief of our political culture: the government can only be administered by the perfect politician and each of us judges with moral superiority who is or is not worthy to be considered perfect.
The Covid-19 pandemic has once more demonstrated the fragility of Latin American regional and subregional organizations, and the reasons for it: the weaknesses of domestic institutions, the lack of shared interests and values, and the dependence on foreign powers. It is not too late to turn the pandemic into an opportunity to acknowledge the existence of common interests, and the value of pursuing them collectively.
Covid-19 is transforming organized crime. In addition to heightening the risk of violence, the pandemic is also indirectly strengthening the social, economic, and political clout of several criminal organizations in the same way that the Italian mafia and Japanese Yakuza emerged stronger after the great dislocations of the Second World War. Crime kingpins know full well that law enforcement and criminal justice systems are overstretched, and that prisons are bursting at the seams. They also know that an economic depression is coming, which may increase the risk of violence. It is not entirely clear if governments are similarly alert.