Is the Caribbean Community in Danger of Collapsing?
By Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith, Norman Girvan, Richard L. Bernal, G. Philip Hughes, and Paget deFreitas
Latin America Advisor, March 19, 2012
Q: In a
recently released report, British consulting firm Randall Mills said the
Caribbean Community regional block, or Caricom, "could expire slowly over
the next few years." The Caribbean integration movement could come to an
end in four to five years because of poor financing, dissatisfaction among
members and the world economic crisis, the report added. Is Caricom in danger
of collapsing? What effect would such a collapse have on the economies of
Caribbean countries in the short and long term? What are Caricom's greatest
achievements thus far? Could closer integration benefit the region and, if so,
what steps would have to be taken to achieve it?
A: Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith,
professor of political science, provost and senior vice president of York College
of The City University of New York: "Close observers of the
Caribbean know that, for the past few years, Caricom's political and
bureaucratic leaders have been practicing the science of muddling through.
Thus, it was not entirely surprising that reports on the integration movement
examined when Caricom heads met in Paramaribo earlier this month portend not
just danger but possible collapse. The reports are prompting a rethinking about
regional integration policy and practice, and leaders will ponder a five-year
strategic plan when they meet in St. Lucia this July. These pursuits call to
mind a prescient remark by British statesman Anthony Eden made during the
1930s: 'there is nothing more dangerous than a foreign policy based on
unreality.' Put simply: do a reality check before you make or recalibrate
policy, in this case integration policy. Leaders should be mindful of at least
two realities in doing their reality check. First, as much as some of them
would prefer to believe otherwise, the core challenge is not secretariat
management, but rather political leadership. The diffidence by most leaders
regarding the Caribbean Court of Justice-including by Trinidad and Tobago where
the court is based-is one manifestation of this. Second, some Caribbean states cannot
survive without integration; globalization's turbulence is too powerful, and
survival assistance from erstwhile colonial masters or the United States is not
guaranteed, as they have their own challenges. Thus, Caribbean leaders need to
jettison their national sovereignty sensibilities and salvage the integration
survival ship. Buoyancy is not just desirable, it's necessary."
A:
Norman Girvan, professor emeritus of the University of the West Indies:
"The danger is real. The report points out that the secretariat and other
regional institutions are struggling to make ends meet, with governments
unwilling or unable to come up with more money or to pay their contributions on
time. This is blamed on falling revenues and rising debts due to the fallout from
the global economic crisis, and hopes of a recovery are vanishing. But lagging
contributions are also a sign of the malaise in the integration movement. After
more than 20 years of trying, Caricom has been unable to complete its 'Single
Market and Economy.' Caricom's intraregional trade is less than 15 percent of
its foreign trade, and one country-oil-rich Trinidad and Tobago-dominates the
regional market. The other 14 member countries hardly depend on the regional
market, so a collapse of Caricom would not make much of a difference to their
economies. The free-trade arrangement would probably continue anyway. The
simple fact is that the neoliberal approach to economic integration has not
worked. Caricom's greatest success has been in functional cooperation, in areas
like health, education, security and disaster management. These projects are
donor-funded and largely donor-driven. Economically, Caricom could benefit its
members by collaborating in organizing the supply of regional public goods in
food security, renewable energy, transport and climate change adaptation. But
political leaders are unwilling to transfer any national sovereignty to the
regional center; unlike the European Union. Meanwhile larger configurations
like UNASUR, ALBA and CELAC are forging ahead; and Caricom members are being
drawn into their orbit."
A: Richard L. Bernal,
executive director for the Caribbean in the Inter-American Development Bank:
"Caricom is not in danger of collapse because of member states' commitment
to the integration process. The regional integration process is experiencing a
difficult period given a combination of perennial issues of sustainable
financing and the need to review the institutional arrangements for governance
and the constraining consequences of the global economic crisis. The major
achievements of the 40-year-old continuous integration process are in regional
cooperation and, to a lesser extent, in regional economic integration. The
region can benefit from a re-dimensioning and deepening of integration towards
a seamless regional economic space. This will require a redesign of the model
and modalities of regional economic integration accompanied by an appropriate
governance structure."
A: G.
Philip Hughes, senior director at the White House Writers Group and former
ambassador to Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean:
"The Randall Mills report warning of the potential for the collapse of the
Caribbean integration movement is a bit puzzling. Assuming the report was done
for Caricom itself-since consulting firms don't opine on such things without a
client-it could well represent a bit of Caricom budget gamesmanship with its
member governments, an appeal for more funds and senior-level attention for
Caricom under the threat of the public failure of regional integration efforts
in which governments are politically invested. Experience shows that there will
always be Caribbean integration efforts as long as a modern Caribbean of
independent states exists. These efforts date back to the West Indies Federation-and
even the colonial powers struggled with the most effective ways to organize and
administer their Caribbean possessions. Each Caribbean nation is too
small-especially now in a world of China- and India-sized economies-and their
problems are too similar to forgo integration efforts, whether under Caricom or
some other rubric. The real question is: Which integration efforts, and of what
type, bring the Caribbean the greatest dividends? In recent years, Caribbean
leaders have been attracted to 'big' integration projects, like the Single
Market and Economy and to creating new and broader structures like the
Association of Caribbean States. They've also been drawn to new Latin American
regional groupings like the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States,
conspicuous in their exclusion of the United States and Canada, two of the
nations most economically important to the Caribbean. Often, humbler and less
headline-grabbing areas of technical cooperation-in health, telecommunications,
standards setting and regulatory harmonization and the like-afford the biggest
near-term gains for Caribbean citizens and, sometimes, for Caribbean
economies."
A: Paget deFreitas,
editor of overseas publications for the Jamaica Gleaner: "Caricom is ailing, but rumors of the community's imminent death
are greatly exaggerated. It may, however, remain weak and febrile for quite a
while yet. First, the community's major ailment that has long weakened public
confidence in it is Caricom's failure at an economic breakthrough-the proof in
people's lives that there is logic to integration; that the economic product of
the community is greater than the sum of its individual parts. The current
global crisis aggravates Caricom's condition. Aside from the penury of most of
its members, the major cause of Caricom's problems is well-known, what its
critics call its implementation deficit. It fails to follow through on its
decisions, such as the free movement of labor to complement that of capital.
This is an inherent weakness of the structure of the organization, with its
absence of a strong center to which the partners cede some executive authority
and share sovereignty. Ultimately, fixing Caricom rests with Jamaica, its
economic leader, and Trinidad and Tobago, the strongest member economically.
Both countries, ironically, would have the most to lose from the demise of the
community, though they have the greatest fear of shared sovereignty. Caricom's
collapse and a retreat from the proposed single market or common market could,
for instance, put at risk more than $1 billion of Trinidadian exports to
Jamaica annually and one platform on which Jamaica stands in punching
diplomatically above its weight. Cries of 'federation through the backdoor'
make potent politics. Trinidad and Tobago, with its relative wealth, harbors
Jamaica's fear of 50 years ago of being descended on by the hordes, which, to a
degree, is complicated by the politics of ethnicity."